A review of My Hand Is Exhausted, by Patricia De Martelaere

I got a copy of 2012 Best European Fiction, and I was delighted to see how many women were honoured in it. The first text selected, by Flemish writer Patricia De Martelaere, who died in 2009, is a tale of unrequited love.

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It mainly centres around a painter’s studio, starting with her feelings of alienation towards the clients she paints: “The only ones she doesn’t despise are the ones who don’t come, because they don’t come.” A strange painter, who cannot stand paint on her skin, yet talks of Gao Qipei (a Chinese painter who painted without a brush) and Yves Klein.

This story is strangely evocative and an interesting portrait of a portrait-maker, between love and loneliness, art and the refusal of sensuality.

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A review of I, Robot, by Cory Doctorow

Cory Doctorow’s take on I, Robot is not uninteresting: the world he presents is disturbingly on the edge between the ‘dystopian’ and the contemporary. And retro cold-war politics merge with modern-day concerns about the state control over the development of technology.

However, if I was going to rewrite any of my favourite sci-fi classics, one of the things I would leave behind is the poor characterization (and its sexist stereotypres). We have characters that are nothing more than archetypes lifted from Lethal Weapon. When the cop-hero cries, I don’t need half a paragraph dragging on about how yes, he cried, but he very rarely does this, actually it hasn’t happened since… His entire world just crumbled, he almost died, who knows about his loved ones, he cries. Not that surprising.

His 12 year old daughter is not even sexually active or anything, yet the fact that she is a daughter and not a son is emphasized virtually with every single of her appearances. We learn that she has great tech abilities and independence, but when she’s in the story she is just a helpless wee girl who needs her daddy for everything. And so on and so forth. It starts with a disturbing depiction of father-daughter bonding: well, the scene is good as an introduction, but how does the sentence “I will beat you purple and shove you out the door jaybird naked” fit into what is otherwise a realistic, tough on the outside, but tender in reality family moment?

The narrative is catchy enough, the universe describes and the political issues it raises are definitely interesting, but the bland characters are a big let-down.

A review of A Wizard of Earthsea, by Ursula K. Le Guin

Given my recent readings, it is easy to see why I was attracted to A Wizard Of Earthsea. Earthsea itself is a world in which the small islands on which humans live are forever at risk of being engulfed back into the sea, like in Arendt and Jappe. Individuals are navigating on it with ethics they don’t really understand, ignore, and fall into pride and hate, like in Lagant. The potentially dark and unfathomably dangerous magic based on the true name of things evoked semiotics, Victor Klemperer and the study of totalitarian language. But it is also a fantasy world, as easy to walk through as it is to play Skyrim, and a coming-of-age novel about a young boy destined to be the greatest wizard ever, as simple (but not as simplistic) as Harry Potter.

The universe of Earthsea wizardry is clearly sexist: wizards are men, obviously, women can be village witches with limited powers, no grasp of what really matters, even if they can become quite powerful like when they marry a lord. Well at least it is also a world in which most people are Black, the ones that are savage looters in dire need of civilization are not though. So it is not all annoying. Still, especially since it is something written for teenagers, it loses a couple of stars for this.

But in the end, the main fight in this book is not between human civilization and the original sea, or good and evil, but has a lot more to do with classic representations of mental health. For example:

Now began a bad time. When he dreamed of the shadow or so much as thought of it, he felt always the same cold dread: sense and power drained out of him, leaving him stypid and astray. He raged at his cowardice, but that did no good. He sought for some protection, but there was none: the thing was not flesh, not alive, not spirit, unnamed, having no being but what he himself had given it — a terrible power outside the laws of the sunlit world.

This fantasy representation of mental distress is also what makes a monster such as the gebbeth, a human emptied of its substance, entirely taken over by these undefined forces, and the fight against it so terrifying, and what gives this book its real value. It makes for a gripping tale for anyone who ever thought they were losing their minds or could not run from nor face their own demons (that is, anyone at all, probably).

Translation: The Difficulty of being an Anarchist (part 2), by Christian Lagant

[Trigger-warning: ableist and sexist language.]

Noir & Rouge n°18 (March/May 1961)

The Difficulty Of Being An Anarchist (part 2)

As I attack this second (and last) part of the article published in the last issue of “N&R”, I think I need to define or even redefine a few points, so that some comrades do not take what is only a series of observations and reflections for I don’t know what panacea, miraculous remedy to all the ails Anarchism and above all Anarchists are suffering from…

We must, decidedly, lose this bad habit of demanding an already chewed, even digested, work, and if the difficulty of being an Anarchist has multiple reasons, one of the main one is also (after a progressive “physical” numbness the effects of which we all feel) this kind of moral laziness to which we unconsciously got used: why figure it out for ourselves when some brilliant thinkers will raise (as we say) issues and solve them for us. This very important aspect of the question which preoccupies us will be detailed during this article, by the way, but we can already see a practical manifestation of it in the fact that several comrades, believing they were being nice to me, write or say this, more or less: “Your thing was very good! In the sequel, you’re going to give us “concrete” solutions, aren’t you? etc.” In no way do they discuss this or that argument, attack this other one, say why they agree or not, in a word, to help in the research of difficulties which are, after all, ours, and concern, in that sense, more than one individual, that is, the person who wrote the article, no! They say nothing, or, what is worse, they accept all with trust and wait for “the rest”, which would be the ideal solution for Anarchist organization, no less.

If that is what readers are hoping for with this article today, they strongly risk being disappointed, since the object of this article was clearly noted in the first part: a simple reminder of our principles, the value of which we learnt to appreciate by living as a militant, nothing more. What principles for action to follow? Up to the comrades to discuss among themselves an effective application, but we wanted, for now, only to raise the moral problem, the problem of Anarchist ethics, the determinant role of which we realized in our everyday actions…

On organization…

In trying to define a few things, I realize we have already started to talk about the big issue of “organization”. Well, let’s finish on this issue before going any further. If some comrades wait silently, others start up on the contrary at high-speed and send awesome projects of organizations, all (or almost all) is already planned in them, and we feel like crushed, vaguely worried, facing the grandiose process triggered by a few lines. Something a bit like being The Sorcerer’s Apprentice!

But then again, this reaction proves a misunderstanding of the first part of the article, which insisted on this idea, which was supposed to be, in the end, a tautology: “we can create the most perfect organization and call it Anarchist. No use: if the members of this organization do not really act as Anarchists, it will be all you want it to be, but not Anarchist“. Starting from this principle, to create an organization before creating the Anarchist man (sic) is like building a house by starting with the roof, the walls and foundations being an afterthought. This might lead to slightly awkward buildings.

We could object that this is insisting too much on simple obvious facts and that everyone understood this long ago, when time is running out and we would better build the powerful Anarchist movement that needs building!

At first sight, this argument is impressive and has this “concrete” style which makes so-called activists agree, the people who “do” things (sometimes even anything at all) and think later, once the mistake is made. Even then, if there only was a reflection after each mistake, this would not be too bad, but that is exactly what worries us: we are not at all sure that the as obvious as these observations are, they be truly understood by a large number of Anarchists, and that is serious! If they were understood, we would not so often see comrades go back to organization issues with some kind of impatience, they like to talk about structures but nearly always forget to talk about the quality of people and concentrate on quantity. Do I caricature? How many times have we heard, and will we hear again, a sentence of that kind: “Recruiting one or two guys every so often is good, but we would be more efficient to get 10 or 20 in one go!” said with the best of intentions in the world originally, yet the consequences of this can sometimes be dangerous for the Anarchist movement itself. We will see why later, each thing in its place. But I do not wish to end this paragraph without answering people who are in a hurry to “bring people in”, that each person led to Anarchism and strengthened in Anarchist ideas is already in itself an incomparable victory and gain, and that after all a single valuable Anarchist may be more useful to the progress of the libertarian ideal than a dozen individuals we gave an Anarchist make-over to, it depends how you see it…

On the other hand, if we had all well understood (or remembered) the basic ideas of our doctrine, we would not see this strange distaste which many Anarchists manifest in learning from past mistakes, not to pour ashes over our heads in any kind of masochism, but to consider them with lucidity, these mistakes, almost coldly I would say. Of course, the same historical situations do not always repeat themselves and what was valid in 1936 might not still be in 1961, but I maintain there are a minimum number of elementary mistakes we should not make again (as I have suffered their ill-effects!) if we want to be taken seriously, or, what is more important, not to be taken for people driving almost knowingly new comrades into failures that we knew were inscribed in certain behaviours or methods. We do not have, we no longer have, the right to disgust young people from Anarchism (and the policy of “closed eyes” leads directly to this) to help our own little self-image! The undeterred quest for this truth should lead all comrades with any experience of the libertarian struggle, having seen both its good and bad sides, to help with a task which we could call demystification within the Anarchist movement itself. I realize that talking of demystification to qualify the mistakes and weaknesses of Anarchist “self-critique” can seem harsh, but I cannot see any other word!

As far as we are concerned, that was the aim we had set ourselves when we created Noir et Rouge, and we follow it and will follow it (rest assured) with all our strength, even if our means are more restricted than we would wish for. The pursuit of such an aim, both modest and huge, demands that we always speak clearly to comrades, without concessions, not to play any moralizing role, but to precisely draw conclusions together. We know that this will force us to face once again some unpalatable truths, the ones we do not speak about and it is easier that way, realities that a form of Anarchist shyness have made “taboo” (for example, let’s remind us how we were driven to dedicate a whole special issue of our journal (1) to an issue on which too many libertarians kept, according to us, a prudent silence: free-masonry), but we think that acting that way is necessary in order to move forward. And we will come back, as many times as we see fit, on what seems to us worthy of being examined, meditated on and learned from, something that is not always easy to bring to the common experience.

Let’s finish on this issue (that is, that the two articles on the “difficulty of being an Anarchist” will not lead to an organization system but to ethical elements without which it seems vain to build any Anarchist organization at all) by making the precision that the “technical” organization part is not in our opinion to be ignored, we have already seen several aspects of this issue in past issues of “N&R” (minorities/majorities, problem of the party, as well as some “classic” texts such as the opinion of Maria Körn on organization, etc.) and we will certainly have the occasion to go back to it in the future. But this quest depends as much on the effort of our reader-comrades as on ourselves since such works are to be made collectively.

To study is not to condemn

We have seen, in the first part of this article, that the greatest difficulty of being an Anarchist does not come from a fault in our ideal (although some Anarchists believe that, and ask false-problems about this) but from a fault in our conviction, which is often resolved in a more or less pronounced abandonment of libertarian ethics. Following this observation, a question remains: Are Anarchists worthy of Anarchism? A question to which I personally answer: No, many of them are not.

Of course, our permanent struggle against a gangrenous society makes for a lot of weaknesses (see on this issue the letter from a comrade from Brittany which we publish in the “readers’ mail” of this issue), and we never had the pretentiousness of being perfect or even “good” (we do not fight against something “evil” or “mean” because we are any better or have been touched by grace…) because we do not believe in the original evil or goodness of mankind, because first of all we do not give a fuck, but also because humans are dependent on other humans, therefore on a group and on psycho-economic conditions which equally determine their lives. Okay, but alongside the social factors mentioned, revolutionaries in general (Anarchists or not) still have a line they follow, which can be called by example a sense of justice (or injustice) and will have, whatever we say or do, a direct relation with moral behaviour. Since Anarchists place a special value on the individual, and Communist Anarchists and other libertarian communists are no exception in the matter (yes!), it is normal to look into and fight any deviation of our behaviour, which is not condemnation or intolerance but a task just as necessary as selling the newspaper, organize a talk, put a poster up. The progress of our ideas is made from the sum of all these little tasks.

Not worthy of Anarchism? I reminded people, in the first part, that a brilliant speech, if it can have some use, is not always worth the simple lives of less “gifted” comrades and that the latter often give us a better example and more comfort than the prettiest theories, the kind we only apply on special occasions. Lastly, rigour was mentioned, a rigour towards ourselves and which can only lead towards a serenity (no excitement but no excessive disillusions either) needed for good Anarchist work. The last few lines announced other aspects of the moral issue posed by Anarchism and its everyday application. We will examine one of these aspects, one of the most important but also most subtle ones.

The issue of the “leader”

Leader: The most visible person in a political party or a competition.

Normally, there should not be an issue of “leaders” among Anarchists, at most some comrades who take more initiatives, who are more dynamic or hard-working, without taking themselves seriously for that. It is unfortunately because this serious deviation also exists among us, a deviation which is directly related to ethics, that we think it is useful to spend a long time on it today.

I mentioned at the start of my article this “moral laziness”, let’s imagine that I am being over-dramatic and use the word “resignation”, yes, it is rather that: way too many comrades “resign” in front of others more gifted for speech or writing, in the sense that they dare not speak a word or write a line for fear of ridicule, of being “basic” faced with the “intellectuals”, or those who think themselves so. Has it ever happened to everyone of us to hear, after an assembly, a meeting or a discussion, a comrade confess: “I would have liked to say this, I did not agree on that, but what do you want, so-and-so is too “strong” for me, they would have countered me all too easily!” And the companion left without a word, when their intervention might have been very interesting for all…

But resignation from speech or writing, if it is already a serious issue for an Anarchist, is nothing compared to the moral resignation which can take over some comrades faced with an elite “thinker”! And one of the greatest dangers for the libertarian movement and idea is, in my opinion, this facility that we can have over time to let comrades, as intelligent or educated as they might be, think for others. And please do not come back at me with the silly argument, as a very famous comrade from the libertarian movement once more or less wrote to me: “You despise elites, it is the triumph of dilettantism and youthful self-congratulation over academic knowledge and the experience of the long-term militant!” I cannot guarantee those were his exact words, but we can easily see what our outraged opponent was leading to, in his heavy boots… As we say, no one is more deaf (sic) than when they do not want to hear, and here we have more: a half-deaf person who only hears what they want to hear, even if it is the opposite of what we said! We have for our part had our ears too often assaulted with such arguments, and they have already made too much damage within our milieu for us not to immediately respond, clearly, once and for all: it has never been for us about denying the real value of this or that comrade, we are the first to study and value the heritage from the great theorists of anarchism, a comrade is for us an “elite” (if you love this word) insofar as their life and knowledge (and the way he (sic) makes other share them, a way which is conditioned by a spirit) teach us something, but they are not an “elite” because they claimed to be, sorry for them! We will never be impressed by the fact that so-and-so has hundreds of theory books at home, or even that they read them, if they cannot tolerate that a more obscure or younger comrade thinks differently than them and above all dare to tell them so!

We can see that going against the invasion of the “leader” does not mean denying abilities or knowledge, it is actually exactly the opposite, and those who pretend not to understand it nevertheless still know it well…

The fact remains that relying blindly, or more simply with excessive trust, on a better-trained comrade is in itself a dangerous behaviour and anti-libertarian to an extent, as it is delegating our thinking faculty (our ability to gain consciousness) to someone else and unconsciously it is to choose a boss. We will admit that as Anarchists, we should be following other paths!

But, the “leader” is then? Yes, it is then the comrade faced with an audience that is too respectful or passive and which will give him a feeling of power, and who will do nothing to fight this state of affairs, of course, it is so nice! He is, let’s say, the potential “petty chief” and essentially different in that regard from the experienced comrade simply sharing what they know with others. Because we can object that not everyone can have the same abilities or more simply the same experience of the movement and of Anarchist ideas, that there will always be people who are more easily influenced, and others with stronger personalities, and that older militants need to take care of younger ones, that’s a fact. But that is where some elementary mistakes are made that should no longer be made.

I think that a comrade asked to make a speech in front of a group of militants, even more so if they are young militants or even sympathizers, must always keep in mind that if what they say is interesting, it is a hundred times more interesting if the audience takes part and, for this, they can always say: “did you like what I said? Thanks a lot, but do not believe you’re out of trouble yet! You won’t always have a conference-person handy, and you will have to share what you learnt with other comrades, if you have learnt anything this evening, for example. There must be blind-spots, defaults in what we have just seen together, do not hesitate to question and criticize me. Do not form the habit of relying on a single person, that is how we form militants without consistency on one hand, and authoritarian individuals on the other…”

Of course, this is not about giving fail-proof recipes, but we can in any case try to do, if not better, at least less worse, even if humans have a few weaknesses, as we know! And we will never say enough times that the leader, and the special state of mind that comes with them are born from the adulation towards those who speak “too well”, from which we can see that authoritarianism and weakness are closely related, one stemming from the other and vice versa. It is wrong to pretend (let’s take a “historical” example!) that the young leader of the first AF, who became then the quasi-boss of the Libertarian Communist Federation, deviated in such a way because he was “authoritarian”: he also become such because the young militants that we were were not careful enough and because militants, who were full of experience however, “pushed” him too much when he started, turning a blind eye for “intellectual comfort” to some of his faults, even if it meant they played Pontius Pilate or the saviours of the situation afterwards! That is a fine way of taking our responsibilities!

When I say at some point that there are a number of mistakes not to make again, I think especially of the issue of the “leader” since we witnessed, imperceptibly, comrades who had to speak in front of larger and larger audiences get caught in the game of their own oratory talent… They were the kind who thinks that talking to a few comrades, it is all well and good, but to be “efficient” we need to speak to many more people and, of course, they ended up very well accustomed to have a customary following (or flock) around them, instead of worrying about knowing whether those who listened to them were gaining consciousness and not becoming, more simply, good robots, with a minimal Anarchist training, only good to put posters up or sell newspapers while the “masters” make speeches…

Imaginary portraits

If the leader can have different “styles”, one thing is unchangeable: the ownership instinct. And isn’t it sweet to hear with what paternal pride he speaks of “his” group! He would almost say “his” militants, but yet, he dares not. One detail: we can be sure that he will turn the spotlight on him in every occasion, exalt the heroic acts of a wonderful past… to which he is the only witness. When he is conscious of having been too far in his lack of modesty (damn! consciousness!) he will always find a good “companion”, expert in shoe-polishing, who will make his merits shine stronger. The leader knows how to manage his advertising.

The “styles” of leaders are however very different and can go from the majestic serious of Mr. Homais-Anarcho [Mr. Homais is the pharmacist in Flaubert’s Madame Bovary] to the frenzy of the agitator, through congress-rats, versed in subtle and discrete manoeuvring. But whatever he looks like, the leader hates one thing: to be thought of as “basic”, anything but that! If he has read a lot, made notes and revised them in his life, he has some knowledge and that can be good for all of us. The problem is that his knowledge leaks out of everywhere, like the tumultuous waters of a broken dam, and the Latin quotes that he absent-mindedly but abundantly decorates his letters or articles with end up annoying even the best of souls. An amusing case: the case of the agitator (a labourer by trade and therefore unable to make long studies), very jealous of the opposite leader, self-taught and suddenly inebriated by the books he digested in one forced gulp and only dreams of one thing: to play the erudite; he will be seen judging everything and nothing, ravel in literature, destroy this or that philosopher in one sentence, “chat” about cinema or sculpture. The leader wants to pass for an educated gentleman and wants people to know it.

More delicate issues

But let’s leave behind what can only be ridiculous to go back to the more serious aspects of the difficulty of being an Anarchist. The first article started from the fact that beyond any organizational issue, it is a lot more difficult to be first of all an Anarchist in everyday life and it insisted on ethics, the moral attitude without which all the pretty speeches are just hot air. We will finish as we started, because ethics are in everything: it is not enough to know our “classics” perfectly and then forget to apply the simplest of rules in the simplest circumstance. What would we say for example of an Anarchist who would write a work on Authority while he himself was authoritarian? His writings might be very interesting, but the readers who knew him could not help see him as a joke. What would we say of an Anarchist that would be a boss and would exploit, even “fraternally”, a comrade who worked with him? And, talking about fraternity, how can we not be surprised at seeing even now Free-mason Anarchists, who meet up in lodges with exploiters and other representatives of the establishment: are these comrades “brothers” before they are libertarians or inversely? But we already studied this issue and I am only mentioning it as another example…

Another aspect, at first sight surprising, of libertarian ethics, can be raised here (although it would deserve a specific study, given its complexity): can an Anarchist be friends with a Fascist? I can see the reader jump up, what is that question? Where does it come from? Yes! If in Spain our comrades have amply proved that between us and Fascism there was a deadly fight, we have however left a doubt, which will have to be lifted one day.

I am not the only one to be outraged by the monstrous link that some newspapers sometimes make between Anarchists and Fascists (and let’s not talk about Stalinists, obviously!) without raising too much protest from the comrades mentioned. What then? So-and-so is a Fascist but it’s such a “bright guy” and so “unlike any other”! Still, to hear Mr. Loiselet have, as a guest in his “so Anarchistic” Monday show, Pierre Dominique and ask him politely (same politeness for both Anarchist and Fascist guests, it seems like both “extremists” are put in the same bag) what he “did in his life” is hard for me to digest! I know that Dominique is a “guy”, as were Paraz, and others, but all these lovely people wrote or are writing in a Fascist newspaper “Rivarol”. I know that my outrage will make me be accused by some of being “limited” and “sectarian” but I wonder, candidly, how an Anarchist can only socialize with people who practice racism (let’s focus on this example, putting aside the cult of the leader, of force, etc.) and turn it into a doctrine? But it is true that there are even some Anarchists who are racist themselves, I have met some, so what? I maintain that these revolted may have a small dose of unknowing Fascism in them and that nothing much would be needed probably for this disease to take them over one day (but I do not want to get too much into what is the subject of my comrade’s article in this issue).

And, since we are talking about our enemies (Fascists) we must not forget that Anarchist ethics can also be greatly damaged if, to be efficient, we start copying some methods. There is for example a complete incompatibility between most methods of the Communist Party, since these methods are based on a doctrine, and ours. And we would be wrong to argue the “successes” of so-called Soviet Russia. Let’s remind us simply what neo-leninist methods had turned the dead FCL into! I insist on this point, because it arises often during the life of a militant and when we get into the trap of “the end justifies the means”, no-one knows how far it can go…

* * *

Starting from a couple of observations on the difficulties of our fight, we went a little further… I do not think there is any particular conclusion to draw, as each chapter gives its own conclusions, as far as I am concerned. The fact remains that we will draw some much larger and more valuable conclusions if comrades send us their views, favorable or otherwise. Let’s say it one last time: the important thing is not that So-and-so wrote something, the important thing is to know whether he was derailing or not, and we can know that through the fraternal support of the readers. We say this with every article, our works are only viewpoints, only aimed at launching discussions, other articles which, we hope, will go beyond our own studies…

One thing is certain: the task of the libertarian militant is not easy! But examining the difficulties to overcome must not make us lose hope but must strengthen our resolve. I am thinking of something comrade Lorulot once said, advertising our journal in “L’Idée Libre” in March, that the difficulty of being an Anarchist might be much greater than I suppose it to be. It may well be true. Another reason not to relent our efforts.

Translation: The FCL and the elections of January 2, 1956, by Christian Lagant

[Trigger warning: mention of metaphorical suicide.]

Noir & Rouge, issue 9, Winter 1957/58?

The FCL and the elections of January 2, 1956

This article is not an “analysis” with definitive conclusions, or a polemic aimed at rekindling old quarrels. Since the first issue of Noir et Rouge (“Black and Red”), we always maintained that Anarchists should, in order to free themselves from their “family affairs” complex, resolutely abandon in their writing any state of mind or tone of voice which might prolong indefinitely conflicts which are all too marked by their personal nature. This must not prevent us, as we also stated at the start of our work, to go back without hesitation on some theoretical or tactical issues of Anarchism, which sometimes led to mistakes being made, deviations and also, why not say it, betrayals.

We thought that a reminder of how an organization which claimed itself, despite everything, libertarian communist, such as the former FCL (the former Anarchist Federation had indeed switched its name, in December 1953, to the name Libertarian Communist Federation) could help, by its concrete and relatively recent aspect, illustrate eloquently the sometimes contradictory thoughts of Anarchists around a still current issue.

Let’s try to see more clearly.

How could the idea of presenting a list of “candidates” in the legislative elections of January 2, 1956 be accepted by an organization whose newspaper was called “Le Libertaire” and whose official aim was the triumph of libertarian communism, the logical result from its anti-state theoretical position? In reality, this affair is not that simple and a quick study will show that the operation “participation” was the end result of a long process, which the FCL 1955 congress will definitely mark in print when it adopted the “revolutionary-participationist” theses, already developed in the internal bulletin of the organization, after a psychological preparation of militants which we will follow step by step. The theses adopted allowed for a “conditional” participation, the details of which are detailed in this article. Whatever: the principle was accepted, and from theory to reality there was only one step, quickly made with the early elections of New Year’s Day 1956.

In order to understand, or at least try to understand, past events, we have to do our best to take away the subjective elements of our judgment on the people responsible for the FCL electoral adventure. There is no point to know whether this or that militant had some secret thoughts when they argued in favour of participation, whether this or that “candidate” placed on the FCL list obeyed more their personal pride than their duty (sorry for the word) as a revolutionary militant. On these issues, each one of us can only suppose. Of the profound thoughts of individuals, we have no certitude. Also, simple objectivity forces us only to judge on proofs, that is what we will try to do in presenting the political arguments put forward by the supporters of participation. First of all, a bit of history, or rather a short story, will help us see more clearly.

How the idea made its way within the organization

For already several weeks, discussions on that issue circulated by word of mouth, so to speak, within the groups of the FCL in early 1955. Originally, the pretence was a reminder of our1 position about town council elections of April 26, 1953. At this time, the Anarchist Federation wrote on a poster (Le Libertaire 23/4/53, n°357):

These elections are an imposture (…) It’s true, workers, as every party will tell you, every party having had a go at leading a town council achieved something: a sports ground, a celebration room, better school meals, etc (…) But unemployment, fascism, and war are still here (…) The state continued its war policy and destroyed the realizing possibilities of communes (…) We are not fooled (…) To the workers who, after this, still want to vote thinking they choose a lesser evil, we remind them that the right is reaction and the left is betrayal. We say: “Vote, but it will just be one more experience” (…) Mass abstention! Not because we have no interest for the town issues, but, on the contrary, because the whole regime is to blame, and because these elections are an imposture (…) etc.”

And the AF to call, by way of conclusion, to revolutionary action in order to overthrow the regime. Some militants might still remember the forceful opposition of political parties (Stalinists among others) in some sectors as diverse as Maisons-Alfort and Ménilmontant-Belleville, against our anti-elections campaign. However, despite the augurs predicting a further rise in abstentionism, the percentage of non-voters was on the contrary very small! At the time, we were quite surprised and some comrades expressed the idea that it would be good to revise our “anti” tactics, given the latest results. Things, however, remained there, with no change to the official position of the federation on the issue.

It is in January-February 1955 that this old issue was put back under scrutiny. Reminding us of the 1953 elections, some comrades said it could be a better idea completely to stop using any 100% abstentionist propaganda, and that this was the weakness of libertarians, that it could be held against us, etc. And so the dialogue starts. But the debate takes a weirder turn very quickly, and some already express the wish for the FCL to adopt a more “lenient” tactical position by taking part in elections, potentially only at the level of town-councils. It was not going to remain there, and, in March 1955, the attack was formerly launched in the “Lien” (“Link”), the internal bulletin of the organization, with a motion from the FCL group of Maisons-Alfortville (if we precise the FCL group, it is because, at the time, there were two libertarian groups in Maisons-Alfort: the FCL one, and one from the new Anarchist Federation, reconstituted at Christmas 1953). Here is the motion in its entirety:

The MAA group wonders if it would not be the opportunity, during the next national congress, to open a debate on the means to amplify libertarian communist propaganda. We make the observation that we are present in the streets, in unions, why would we not imagine carrying our action on the more strictly-speaking political level? In the event of an electoral campaign, what would the attitude of the federation be? Must we be content with claiming the traditional and formal principle of abstentionism? Would it not be suitable to reconsider this notion of abstentionism in order to see to what extent it can determine our behaviour without putting us in contraction with the founding ideas which are at the origin of the creation of the FCL: excessive class struggle, and direct action? By systematically abstaining, do we not risk losing our influence within the working-class? On the other hand, electoral struggle having become a form of the class-struggle, could we not envision this issue as a tactical issue relative to circumstances and to the realities of the social struggle? In fear of hurting preconceived ideas, must we be content with an ill-fitting revolutionarism which would be the equivalent of a pure and simple resignation? Must we, by lack of cohesion, of directive, and in fear of words, like in the past, compromise the libertarian communist revolution?

Motion, passed unanimously on 25/2/55 in M.A.”

We wished to publish this motion in its entirety, as it is extremely significative of the state of mind of some comrades at the time, in full ideological confusion.

In the same “Link”, the FCL national committee submitted a synthesis of the propositions for the agenda sent by a few groups for the May congress. In paragraph 4 of this synthesis proposal (orientation and tactics), point b mentioned: the issue of electoral participation. That is proof that this issue had been carefully crafted and that it was now launched forward. In April, the “Link” published 1) the definitive agenda for the congress, with the adoption of point b. 2) a very long 9-page article by comrade F2, entitled “In favour of revolutionary practicism”. To quote the full article would be too long and somewhat fastidious for the reader, so let’s just look at its four point conclusion:

a) anti-parliamentarianism and revolutionary practicism.

b) participation in elections when real conditions exist to elect revolutionary working-class representatives, therefore determination of our position when faced with each concrete situation.

c) severe control by the organization of the people elected.

d) participation in elections can only be one of the forms of agitation of the organization and must in no way prevail over other forms.”

To inform comrades, let’s precise that by “revolutionary practicism”, the author of the article intended to answer the question: why is taking part in elections not to be confused with parliamentarianism or reformism? After a quick explanation which justified how revolutionary struggles can be in favour of some demands without falling into reformist syndicalism, he concluded:

In the same way, we can take part in electoral struggles, have representatives in town councils or assemblies if we consider we will not then have posts of legislators but of agitators. We see this as a form of agitation which cannot be neglected. We can say that such a position is in no way reformism, but revolutionary practicism (…)”

Finally, in this same April “Link”, if a few groups already expressed their agreement with an eventual electoral participation of the FCL “when the real conditions exist”, the future “opposition”, at the congress, manifested on the other hand their vivacious hostility to the motion of Alfortville, as well as the Lyon group, the Mâcon group declared:

The group wants to declare with force that the MAA text (the electoral struggle having become a form of the class struggle!) is in its eyes an attack on the Declaration of Principles of the FCL which states: “The specific libertarian-communist organization is attached to the present struggles of the exploited and oppressed masses, but always in the sense of direct action.” Consequently, the group demands that the issue of electoral participation be taken off the agenda of the congress.”

And thus the discussion grew within the FCL until the national congress, without Le Libertaire having made any publicity of the internal controversy of the movement. It must be noticed however that in June 1953, an article from Le Libertaire entitled “The Demo-Christians’ defeat is a sign of the maturity of the Italian proletariat” had caused some worries and surprises among the readership, reinforced on September 10 and 24 of the same year by two articles on the same theme: workers’ votes for left parties = political maturity (Le Libertaire, September 10, 1953 n°372, article by A.V. correspondent from the Anarchist Groups of Proletarian Action (Italy) “The current political situation in Italy” — Le Libertaire, September 24, 1953 n°375 “Stop fascism” by P.P.). When we said at the start that, after the elections of April 1953 and the few reproaches expressed on our tactics, things had remained there within the movement, we had forgotten to mention these few worrying lines, mea culpa! But let’s get back to the year 1955. Le Libertaire is then discrete about the issue of elections, apart maybe for a very short article (Le Libertaire, April 28, 1955 n°448, “The cantonal elections” by R.J.) about the cantonal elections, the conclusion of which will sound curious:

The fact that there is a shifting to the left in such sterile elections and after systematic betrayals on the part of all parties that represented the left, shows a heightened will of the workers, a renewal of working-class fighting spirit. Up to us to know how to allow this will to fight to ascertain itself and be put into effect.”

Very curious was this workers’ “heightened will to fight”, since they were voting! And on top of this, for parties which had systematically betrayed them!

The national congress accepts participation

On May 28, 29 and 30, 1955, the FCL congress was held in Paris. During this congress, the theses of the “conditional” participation (the conditions being those mentioned in the article “Revolutionary practicism”) of our organization in future elections were adopted with quite a large majority, despite a “glorious last stand” from the opponents to the new electoral tactics, that is, the groups of Lyon, Mâcon and a few Paris militants.

Some conciliatory efforts had been attempted however, and we were ready to give up the absolutely abstentionist position, some of us even accepting maybe the participation in town elections, which represented a major concession already on our part. The affair having been scrupulously “peeled” in the groups, we had systematically regrouped all the “pros” and “cons” and counted them: to no avail, the sum of “cons” was always higher! The highest number of cases had also been envisioned, and since we were talking about elections, we might as well go the whole way! To start with, the principle itself of anti-parliamentarianism was examined: the congress agreed generally to preserve it, although a certain contradiction appeared with the adoption of the measures that were to follow. Another case was the participation in town council elections: let’s say this argument was the one which had the most strength on us, with its supporters exposing the useful role which having FCL elected officials could have at the level of the city, for one, the advantage of being in closer contact with the voters than during the legislative elections, propaganda being able to result in favour of libertarian communist ideas from the energetic action led to realise some things. We were also shown the advantages we would have from using the poster-stands and panels in order to make our ideas and programmes better-known, and, last but not least, the old call to our libertarian attachment to the idea of a commune was quite craftily used, by comrades who claimed they refused precisely any “sentimentalism”. We must recognize that some of the arguments were not valueless, but we could not stop asking these questions: even at the strict level of the commune or township, how would an elected official (maybe two), claiming to be anti-statist, accomplish any useful task without being soon isolated from their politician “colleagues”, then soon hindered and fought, even annihilated? To this, the proponents answered that the FCL elected official, when treated in such a way, could publicly attack their town council opponents, protesting against their methods and the regime which favours them, and thus increase our propaganda within the population. It can however be asked whether the voter, seeing the failure of their “revolutionary” elected official, would not have simply thought “he shouldn’t have gone if he knew what to expect!”, which would lead to an increase in the propaganda for the voter being brutally conscious that he has been fooled once more? Nothing is less certain.

Quite an amazing case was also put forward: indirect participation through a support to the “workers’” party closest to the FCL positions. We think it is not useful to spend long on this issue, which we also did at the time. To ask what “workers’” party was synonymous for some to answer with “the most left”, obviously, therefore the French Communist Party, or the Socialist Party, or even Trotskyists, why not? Now there would be the Socialist Left Union (!) to consider, but, once again, we must know whether militants, anti-statist by principle, are ready to get stuck in the slightly disgusting clockwork of the state machine in order to better demolish it from within. This is the only question, and we can after all commit political suicide in several different ways. And, since we are talking about suicide, participation in legislative elections themselves was finally discussed. To put it clearly, the possibility for a FCL militant to be presented on a list recognized by the organization, and if they were ever elected, to sit in Parliament among the 600 something MPs which compose the National Assembly. We can measure there the long road already walked by some comrades who, a few weeks earlier, only defended the town council participation!

We still think it is pointless to be outraged or sarcastic like some Anarchists believed they had to be. It is easy to accuse comrades who are mistaken of all evils (being wrong can happen), harder to try to understand their motives. We can say that many, among these comrades, sincerely thought (with some naivety from some and an obvious lack of political training from others, a fact we are all responsible for, by the way) that one or a few decided and honest militants could seriously influence the fate of workers by playing in the Assembly the role of “revolutionary commandos”, this word which was to be often repeated in Le Libertaire during its electoral campaign in late 1955. These comrades simply forgot that the only gesture that revolutionaries can make in the Assembly is to throw a bomb in it and that if we are not, or no longer, partisans of this old method, by principle or by fear, we have nothing to do there! And even if we accept the purely “technical” aspect of the operation,  what could have a couple (at most) of FCL MPs achieved by making scandals in Parliament? Did the agitation of Marty, with his leather belt, change anything to the fate of the exploited, when in the first years of his mandate, he routinely was evicted forcefully by the officials from Parliament? What about the risk of absorption of the new MP by the system? To this, we were told that “the organization would severely control its elected officials”. How? And for how long? We only have to be reminded of the example, painful to all Anarchists, of the “minister-comrades” during the Spanish revolution. They had behind them, in theory, a much more powerful organization than the FCL to “control” them and we can wonder: what was the best work accomplished at that time, the work of the CNT-FAI grassroots, or the work of the “minister-comrades”? It could be said that it is a different case, that it was the war and it is easy to criticize afterwards, it is true. But did this not leave us, libertarians, with the same unease?

To get back to the congress, material advantages were also mentioned: reimbursement of the cost of propaganda during the campaign, reimbursement of the deposits of any candidacy which scored over 5% of votes (our underscoring), indemnities earned by elected officials, etc. To this last argument, the experiment of January 2, 1956 was to answer with facts, justifying the most passionate, even desperate, warnings.

That is how, pushing away any effort of conciliation, ignoring the elementary calls to prudence, the FCL congress agreed on the principle of participation and ran towards its fate.

The FCL electoral campaign

It was on October 27, 1955 that the FCL position on the electoral issue went from being internal to being public, by the way of Le Libertaire. It was first something small, of course, an article which ended like this:

A working-class MP must not play the parliamentarian game of the bourgeois class. He knows that the people he is talking to are not sincere, that there is no  parliamentary compromise, that he must rely on the direct action of workers” (Le Libertaire, n°450,Vote explanations and parliamentary pantomime” M.H.)

On top of an undeniable contradiction of all the terms in this epilogue, the idea of the “working-class MP” was launched. The following issues of Le Libertaire were going to toughen it all up, first of all with a series of articles “The FCL and the Popular Front” (n°451, 452, 453, G.F.) and above all by the editorials, which were much more direct. The November 17 one became even more precise and the upcoming electoral participation of the FCL could be guessed transparently. After the December 8 issue in which an extraordinary convening of the FCL national council in reason of “the seriousness of the circumstances and the proximity of the electoral campaign” was announced, it was the official confirmation on December 15, when Le Libertaire declared: “The FCL enters the fight” with the presentation of a list of 10 candidates and the opening of a special fundraising for the campaign which started. From this moment on, it was obvious that an irreversible process was underway and that the FCL was trapped in the usual pattern, with its “programme” and “meetings” etc. Let’s add that, through several comrades, we learned that the participation in these elections had not been decided without infighting, and a few “pros” at the congress being brutally put against the wall by the events and starting to realize the difficulties of the undertaking. Le Libertaire, however, organized its campaign. November 24, Camillo Berneri was called as ideological reinforcement, and the publication of part of his article on the electoral issue (Adunata dei Refrattari, 25/4/1936) tended to justify participation. On December 22, the Algerian workers of the first sector of the Seine were called to vote for the Libertaire list… by Le Libertaire obviously. On the electoral panels on the St Michel boulevard or the Versailles gate, the yellow poster of the Libertaire list reproduced, on top of the pictures of the FCL candidates (one of which is presently a member of the directing committee of the UGS), their programme: fight for better life conditions, fight against the war and colonialism, fight for secular schools and youth, fight for women’s “freedom and dignity”, fight for the elderly. This election programme, like many others, seemed attractive at first sight and some preoccupations were even excellent (among others, the advising of free abortion in medical settings and free contraceptive means could only attract the sympathy of all even only halfdecent, not necessarily “revolutionary” people) but we could not stop seeing its demagogy, compulsory in these cases. Of course, Le Libertaire considered at length the role of “elected officials” in the Assembly, their action as “revolutionary commandos” etc. As for the public meetings held by the FCL, Le Libertaire wrote for example on December 29: “You only have to see the reactions from the audience, to hear the applause (…)” but rarely mentions the number of people in attendance! How are these meetings held, what atmosphere do they create? This is what we are going to see through two meetings held on the same evening of December 30.

It is 9 p.m. We are in a small classroom of the school 36 bis rue Violet (15e), Paris. Let’s count: there are exactly 13 people, including 5 FCL militants which we have seen before (it is true that we are in a half-bourgeois district and this could also explain the almost emptiness of the room, and it is cold). An orator, comrade F. finishes his speech before running off to the second meeting which is held 18 rue du Moulin-des-Prés, in the heart of the proletarian district of the 13th arrondissement, this time. In order better to see the difference, let’s follow the wandering orator and arrive soon after him around 10 p.m. in this modest gym where we can now count 15 people, including 6 militants minimum. The room is dead, despite the “popular” tone used by the orator (in the 15th arrondissement, arguments were more subtle, their expression more refined) and that might be when we measure the sad comedy of such a situation. Once the speeches are over, the opponents are prayed to expose their position. Once, twice, no opposition. The electrophone then spouts out a “vibrant” Internationale, while the audience, following the imperious example of the militants, get up from their seats. In order to kindle enthusiasm, there would have been in other meetings Soviet chants and war songs…

That was on December 30, the last day of the electoral campaign. On January 2, 1956, the FCL scored in the 1st sector of the Seine (13th, 14th, 15th, 5th, 6th, 7th arrondissements) 960 votes in the first results (« France Soir »), 1200 for another, then 1600, 1800 according to the newspaper. We will never know how many exactly, and for a couple dozen, maybe hundred votes it does not matter so much. Le Libertaire of January 5 announced, very vaguely: “Thousands of workers of the 1st sector of Paris have manifested their agreement with our politics”. It seems to us logical to remark that the FCL should have been the first to give a precise figure. Why such an ambiguity? Since they still have to give some figure, and the readership is curious, Le Libertaire of January 12 announces “close to 3000 votes”, so overall, we can guess the number of FCL voters at around 2000 people “VOTE MASSIVELY” had said Le Libertaire.

Conclusion

The conclusion? It is easy enough to establish. Militants claiming to be libertarian communists tried the electoral adventure. What anti-statist propaganda was able to arise from these few weeks? And how could the astonished voters faced with the list from Le Libertaire (when, to them, Le Libertaire was Anarchists, whatever you say!) make a difference between that list and others sometimes run by small parties such as Trotskyist groups and others, the first care of which is to advise, in case of a second turn, their voters to vote for the French Communist Party? Material advantages? We believe to know that a certain number of comrades, who mistakenly and recklessly bet on this adventure had to pay for a long time, out of their savings, the various spendings incurred. The deposit (without anywhere near 5% of the vote), the posters, all the expenses caused by such an undertaking (Le Libertaire of January 19 mentioned: the FCL owes over a million for the election campaign expenses — article by B.D. “Elections and bourgeois democracy”). And what must have felt these comrades whose only capital was their enthusiasm and good faith? Le Libertaire itself, faced with the results out of proportion with the efforts made confessed on January 12:

We are not a party in which bluff is king, and we believe that one of the essential conditions for Progress is to face the facts, even if they are not always of a nature to create enthusiasm. We are not hiding that the result obtained by the FCL is modest (…)”

It is hard to hide the glaring fact, even though for the actual results Le Libertaire tries by savant arithmetics to prove the 3000 voters (if you say so!) represent really 20 to 30,000 workers of the Paris area influenced by its propaganda! (Le Libertaire n°461 “Lessons from our participation”). The FCL voters are therefore called to a discussion meeting on January 25, to envision the situation after the elections. That was the moment to see who were the voters and what they thought. Unfortunately, the minutes which should have logically followed such a meeting were never published in Le Libertaire and it is on this last not very encouraging sign for eventual new participationists that we will end the tale of an experiment from which Anarchists should learn.

Christian

1 The author was a member of the FCL until the June 1955 congress, resigning from this organization after the vote accepting electoral participation. Other isolated comrades, as well as the Lyon and Mâcon groups, also resigned during that period.

2 We do not think that the full names of the mentioned comrades have any great importance, only the facts matter here.

Guest review by usevalue! C (299,792 km/s)

[This week this blog gets its first guest review (huzzah!) by wordpress user usevalue, who is considering relaunching their own blog in the near future or so I heard! Exciting times.]

The following is a review of a short film, C (299,792 km/s) which was funded entirely by online donations. As I understand it, the makers of the film are always eager for more money, and are in fact selling various merchandise through their web site. So if that seems like a good idea, go throw money at them. The film is free to watch online [Trigger warning: mild violence, stunning, kidnapping], and if you’re one of those folks who is allergic to spoilers you should go watch it before reading this review.

C (299,792 km/s), a new independent film by Derek Van Gorder and Otto Stockmeier, is set in the vaguely-defined future. Due to its length (about 15 minutes) we are only given a few facts about this future. Humankind has constructed military spaceships to wage its ongoing wars; these ships are capable of achieving relativistic speeds (i.e. close to the speed of light, i.e. C); and gender equality in the military has progressed somewhat. Beyond that, the film dispenses with detailed portrayal of the world to propose a few political ideas for our consideration.

The film tells the story of a mutiny led by Lieutenant Commander Malleck aboard the military vessel the KESTROS IV. With the help of an insurgent gang of engineers, Malleck seizes control of the helm from the otherwise unnamed Captain. When a loyalist counter-insurgency forms under the doughty Second Lieutenant Kai, Malleck and her co-conspirators use the ship’s bulkheads to trap their enemies, eventually stunning them all. Malleck is keen to avoid killing any of the ship’s crew because, as she informs her rebels, the men in particular will be necessary for the gene pool when the ship arrives at its destination. At last the plot is revealed: Malleck and her team change the ship’s course, abandoning the military squadron of which it is a part, and set off on a journey through space and, thanks to relativity, time to colonise new worlds, far from Earth’s military and ecological catastrophes. These futuristic scenes are interspersed with clips from an apparent 1980s science documentary featuring Dr. Harold Newman, an obvious homage to Carl Sagan.

C is ultimately a film about the ambiguous potential of technology. As Dr. Newman’s voiceover states, there is a tendency in human development towards weaponisation, and the possibility of self-destruction through ecological catastrophe is very very real. At the same time, Dr. Newman proposes that technology offers us, ultimately, an escape from the limits of our situation. In his case, it is the eventual death of our star. Assuming you, like I, am not particularly concerned about that, we can read the event as the terrible limits imposed on us by our mode of production. The escape into the great beyond made by Malleck and the reluctant crew of the KESTROS IV, in this reading, is a secession from the coordinates of our social and political system.

The genius of the film lies in its ambiguous treatment of Malleck’s mutiny. It is undoubtedly vanguardist; surely she acts for Second Lieutenant Kai’s own good (informing him he is “a born colonist”), but she has to stun him with a rifle in order to do so. On top of this, after achieving escape velocity the engineers jettison the ship’s engines, preventing an obviously anticipated demand to return home. Leninists might not mind; the mutiny is mostly composed of engineers, and in the initial phases of the rebellion they are armed only with welding torches, giving the whole affair a nice proletarian flavour, but others might take pause. Furthermore, the film gives us no guarantee that Malleck’s plan will succeed. She asks Kai, “Do you believe a warship can be an engine for human progress?” The question is never answered. The end of the film is only the beginning of the journey of the KESTROS IV, and we are left to wonder what will become of them.

Where I see the political vision of the film (or, at least, Lieutenant Commander Malleck) failing is in its utopian, secessionist dimension. Though perhaps within a sci-fi setting Malleck’s vision is plausible, if fraught with peril, when we attempt to apply the film’s lessons to our own circumstances troubles arise. What would secession from capitalism mean for us? And where would we go? One needn’t labour the point by arguing again against socialism in one country, or declaring the interconnectedness of the biosphere. When we delve deeper into the nature of the rebellion, the problems only multiply. The Lieutenant Commander remains a Lieutenant Commander. The ship remains a military ship. It should be clear to us that existing social hierarchies and our existing infrastructure do not lend themselves to communism, as they have all been designed for the subjugation of labour, not its liberation from its status as labour. In casting its faith in the saving power of technology to escape the problems of our world, the film fails to delve into the processes of class composition and social reconstruction which any meaningful revolution would necessarily entail.

And yet for its faults, C offers us an important reminder for our political practice which is the necessary element of voluntarism in social change. We can no longer hope that the tide of history is on our side; as C hints darkly, if left unrestricted, the tide of history may carry us over the falls. In spite of all the obstacles, it does us no good to wait until the perfect moment or the perfect conditions arrive, as they never will. So while I don’t think I’d join Malleck and the hapless passengers of the KESTROS IV on their journey into what awaits, I agree with the Lieutenant Commander that we must act without delay, making creative use of the resources at hand.

And of course, if none of this political nonsense interests you in the slightest, C boasts a charming retro aesthetic, from its 1980s soundtrack, to its spurning of CGI in favour of plastic models shot against a black sheet. Watch it.

Let’s use trigger warnings! But how?

[Trigger warning: discussion of triggering, mention of a picture of Hitler.]

I try to make this blog acceptable to read for anyone who can put up with the bad spelling, grammar and logic of it all. But I realise I do not use trigger warnings. Mainly I just write “now, we are going to discuss that” to introduce the most disturbing points, and hopefully give a chance to people who would be triggered to skip the passage if they wish. Somehow I found it both more natural and less shocking than a trigger warning out-of context, especially for things that are only mentioned. Now they are also mentioned in the trigger-warning, but without any introduction. However, I was told that the passage leading up to something disturbing could be triggering in itself (like, in horror movies, when the monster is not shown and that’s the most terrifying scenes, kinda).

Talking of monsters, I decided to start using trigger warnings because I’m writing a review of a book on totalitarian language, which has a picture of Hitler on the cover, and I was considering the broader issue of taking the usual picture of my cat with the book for this blog… When I started putting trigger warnings on past articles though and realized I was clueless as to how to do it well. I’m tempted to use them for jokes or passive-aggressivity, neither of which seem like a real good idea.

It is not as if I did not understand how triggering works, but my experience of it is from being triggered by things so anodine to everyone else that trigger warnings really cannot help. The extent of what should be flagged depends on who you read, but it goes from the three or four most obvious things to everything related to someone’s fears. How do we find a workable consensus? Because if trigger warnings are to be effective, they need to be, maybe above all, consistant, they need to signal when they are not there that the trigger itself is not there. As it is, trigger warnings seem more to point out what is unsafe, but not to create any safer environment for anyone.

I have found a couple of lists (the ones about a link to learn what is trypophobia which is said to be safe but links to a very weird picture that I would not call safe for anyone) but are they complete enough? Is there anything that is used as an ‘authority’ in the matter?

I’ve been reading half a dozen articles on trigger warnings, but I think I still need help before I can confidently put the appropriate warning on articles. Recommandations, please!